Muslim Organisations in Nepal: A Guide to the Main Bodies
In short
Nepal's Muslim community numbers roughly 1.5 million people, and its organisational landscape is more layered than outsiders usually assume. This extended guide maps the whole field: Islami Sangh Nepal and the family of specialist bodies it created, Millat-e-Islamia, the National Muslim Forum, the constitutional Muslim Commission that most accounts leave out entirely, women's organisations, mosque and madrasa networks, and the transnational movements — along with an honest account of why so many Nepali Muslim organisations have formed and then dissolved, and what the survivors did differently.
What's on this page
- The organising problem
- A short institutional history
- Why organisations fail
- Millat-e-Islamia Nepal
- Islami Sangh Nepal
- The Islami Sangh family
- National Muslim Forum Nepal
- The Muslim Commission
- Why the Commission has underperformed
- Women's organisations
- Mosques and madrasas
- Transnational movements
- Political representation
- Funding and the foreign money question
- How the landscape fits together
- What is still missing
- Common questions
The organising problem
Start with the frank assessment, because it comes from inside the community rather than outside it: over the years a considerable number of Nepali Muslim organisations have been founded, and a considerable number have dissolved shortly afterwards.
That self-criticism is worth taking seriously rather than softening. A community of a million and a half people, concentrated in the poorest districts of the country and recording literacy well below the national rate, has struggled to build institutions that outlast the enthusiasm that created them.
The interesting question is not why so many failed but why a handful did not. The bodies covered on this page are the survivors, and what they have in common — formal registration, defined remits, and in one case a deliberate federated structure — is more instructive than any list of aims.
A short institutional history
Organised Muslim associational life in Nepal is relatively recent, and it tracks the country's political openings closely.
| Period | Development |
|---|---|
| Before 1951 | Rana-era isolation. Almost no formal associational life of any kind, for any community |
| 1960–1990 | Panchayat period. Religious and cultural bodies permitted within tight limits; Millat-e-Islamia and Muslim Seva Samiti among those that began articulating a distinct Muslim identity |
| 1985 | Islami Sangh Nepal founded |
| 1990 | Jana Andolan I. Multiparty democracy opens space for registered NGOs |
| 1994 | Al-Hira Educational Society founded |
| 2004 | September riots. National Muslim Forum convened in response |
| 2007–08 | Nepal declared secular; monarchy abolished. Muslim political demands enter the mainstream settlement |
| 2009 | Government agreement with the United Muslim National Struggle Committee on rights of minority communities |
| 2015 | Federal constitution establishes a Muslim Commission under Article 264 |
| 2018–19 | First Muslim Commission chairperson appointed; members follow considerably later |
The pattern is clear enough. Each political opening produced a wave of organisation-building, and the durable bodies mostly date from the two largest openings — the post-1990 democratic period and the post-2006 settlement.
What this means for the failure rate
Many of the organisations that formed and dissolved were founded in the enthusiasm following a political change, without the funding or structure to survive the ordinary years afterwards. That is a common pattern in transitional societies and not a peculiarity of this community.
Why organisations fail
Several structural pressures work against durable Muslim institutions in Nepal, and none of them are unique to this community.
Geographic dispersal
Most Nepali Muslims live in Terai districts strung along a 500-mile southern border. Coordinating from Kathmandu is genuinely difficult and expensive.
Internal diversity
Terai Muslims, Kashmiri-descended Kathmandu families and hill Churaute Muslims differ in language, custom and history. So do the schools of thought.
Funding
Community donation is the main model. It funds activity well and institutional overhead badly — the salaries and administration that keep a body alive between projects.
Volunteer dependence
Organisations built on the energy of a few individuals tend not to survive those individuals moving on.
Low literacy base
Running a registered organisation requires paperwork, accounts and reporting. A community with reported literacy near 45% has a smaller pool able to do that work.
Political capture
Bodies that align with a party gain short-term access and lose credibility when that party falls. Several have followed this arc.
Set against that, the organisations that lasted did specific things differently. All are registered with the government. Most have a defined and narrow remit rather than a general mandate to improve everything. And the largest of them solved the breadth problem by spinning off specialists instead of expanding indefinitely.
Millat-e-Islamia Nepal
Founded in the early 1990s, Millat-e-Islamia works primarily in Kathmandu and is one of the older surviving bodies. Its stated purpose is propagating Islamic teaching and building awareness of Islamic values.
| Focus | Religious education and awareness |
| Main area | Kathmandu |
| Teaching | Classes for young people, children and women |
| Library | Reported as the largest Muslim library in Nepal |
| Health | A clinic for the poor at minimal charge |
| Building | The Millat-e-Islamia Building in Ghantaghar also houses Islami Sangh Nepal's headquarters |
Two things stand out. The first is the library, which for a community with low literacy and few dedicated institutions is a genuinely significant asset. The second is the clinic — a religious education body running a subsidised medical service is a reminder that these organisations rarely stay inside the boundaries their names suggest.
Academic work on Nepali Muslim political identity identifies Millat-e-Islamia, alongside the Muslim Seva Samiti, as among the institutions that began articulating a distinct Muslim religious identity during the Panchayat period and into the 1980s. That is a more substantial historical claim than the organisation makes for itself.
Islami Sangh Nepal
Islami Sangh Nepal, founded in 1985 and headquartered in Ghantaghar, Kathmandu, is by most measures the best organised Muslim body in the country. It is a da'wah-based organisation — its primary work is religious outreach and teaching — but it has never confined itself to that.
| Founded | 1985, Kathmandu |
| Headquarters | Millat-e-Islamia Building, Ghantaghar, Kathmandu |
| Character | Da'wah-based, with social, educational and health work |
| Reach | Branches in most districts with significant Muslim populations |
| Regions of activity | Reported across Mechi, Koshi, Sagarmatha, Narayani, Bagmati, Gandaki, Lumbini and Bheri |
| President | Khursheed Alam |
| Registration | Registered with the Government of Nepal, as are its sister organisations |
| International | Member of the Union of NGOs of the Islamic World since January 2015 |
The regions are given here in the pre-2015 zonal names, as reported. Those zones were abolished when federalism took effect and the mapping onto the seven provinces is not one-to-one, so they are reproduced rather than converted.
The district branch network is what distinguishes it. Where most Nepali Muslim organisations are effectively Kathmandu bodies with ambitions, Islami Sangh has a presence in the districts where the population actually lives — which is also why it was able to convene the meeting that produced the National Muslim Forum in 2004.
The structural insight
Rather than growing into a single organisation trying to do everything, Islami Sangh created separate registered bodies for education, higher education, mosques and health. Each has its own remit, its own leadership and its own accounts. That is why the group has survived four decades.
The Islami Sangh family
Four specialist organisations operate under the Islami Sangh umbrella, each registered separately with the government.
| Organisation | Field | Work |
|---|---|---|
| Al-Hira Educational Society | School education | Runs 15 madrasas and schools plus an orphanage; over 5,000 students and around 240 teachers. Founded 1994. |
| Students' Education Foundation | Higher education | Supports students progressing beyond school level |
| Nepal Masajid Council | Mosques | Builds, renovates and manages mosques across the country |
| Health Services Relief Association of Nepal | Health | Reported to have been developing a 15-bed general hospital and maternity clinic in eastern Nepal |
Read as a set, these cover the life cycle of a community's institutional needs: primary and secondary schooling, progression to higher education, places of worship, and medical care. It is a deliberate division of labour rather than an accumulation of projects.
The Students' Education Foundation deserves particular attention. Getting Muslim children through school is the visible problem; getting them into and through university is where the community's professional class actually comes from. An organisation dedicated to that stage is unusual and forward-looking.
Al-Hira Educational Society is covered in detail on its own page. Its current figures — 15 institutions, around 240 teachers — are considerably larger than the 12 institutions and 134 teachers cited in older material still circulating online.
National Muslim Forum Nepal
The newest of the major voluntary bodies, and the one with the clearest origin story. It was formed in the aftermath of the anti-Muslim riots of September 2004, when a mosque was burned in Kathmandu and more than a hundred Muslim-owned homes and businesses were attacked following the murder of twelve Nepali workers in Iraq.
| Nepali name | Rastriya Muslim Manch Nepal |
| Founding meeting | 26 September 2004, Ashoka Hotel, Bagbazar, Kathmandu |
| Formally registered | 7 June 2005 |
| Initiated by | Islami Sangh Nepal |
| Type | Umbrella body for Muslim-led organisations and NGOs |
| Founder members | 55, drawn from all regions and schools of thought |
| Remit | Socio-religious and political issues affecting the community |
The Forum is deliberately broad-based, bringing together scholars and intellectuals from every region, field and school of thought. That breadth is the point: the gap it was created to fill was the absence of any single body able to speak for Nepali Muslims nationally at a moment of crisis.
Covered in detail on its own page, including a full timeline of the September 2004 events and an assessment of the state's response.
The Muslim Commission
Here is the body most accounts of Nepali Muslim organisational life omit, and it is arguably the most consequential one: since 2015 there has been a state Muslim body, established by the constitution itself.
| Established by | Article 264, Constitution of Nepal 2015 |
| Governing law | Muslim Commission Act 2074 (2017) |
| Composition | A chairperson and up to four other members |
| Appointment | By the President on the recommendation of the Constitutional Council |
| Term | Six years |
| Reporting | Annual report to the President, forwarded to government for tabling in parliament |
| Mandate | Protect and promote the rights and interests of the Muslim community; ensure participation in economic, social and political life; improve access to state resources; preserve cultural and religious heritage |
| Review clause | Article 265 requires parliament to review the commission ten years after promulgation — that is, from 2025 |
This changes the picture significantly. Nepali Muslims do not only have voluntary organisations advocating on their behalf — they have a constitutional body with a statutory mandate, funded by the state and reporting to the President. On paper, that is a stronger position than most religious minorities in South Asia occupy.
The commission emerged late in the constitution-drafting process. Earlier drafts contained no Muslim commission at all; it was added in September 2015 alongside commissions for Adibasi Janajatis, Madhesis and Tharus, in response to the identity-based agitations then underway across the Terai.
Why the Commission has underperformed
Having said what exists on paper, the honest account of what it has achieved is considerably more modest, and the reasons are documented.
Left vacant for years
The constitution came into force in 2015. The first chairperson was appointed in 2018–19, and members considerably later. A commission without members cannot take policy decisions.
Category C status
It sits in the third tier of constitutional commissions, below the Election Commission and the NHRC, and below even the Women and Dalit commissions, which carry "national" in their titles.
Limited powers
Critics noted at the drafting stage that it had no power to receive complaints, investigate discrimination or recommend prosecution — only to make recommendations.
Reports not debated
Its chairperson has publicly stated that annual reports go to the President and are then not discussed by the relevant parliamentary committee, leaving recommendations unimplemented.
Underfunded
Described by its own leadership as receiving a budget sufficient for salaries and stationery, with too few staff to carry out its mandate.
Appointment controversy
One chairperson was appointed in 2019 without parliamentary hearing committee endorsement, amid questions over political affiliation.
The substantive grievance
The commission has repeatedly raised one issue above all others: Muslims are recognised as a distinct cluster in the constitution, but the reservation law still places them within the Madhesi category for civil service, army and police quotas. A separate Muslim quota has been recommended in successive annual reports and has not been legislated.
That gap — constitutional recognition without corresponding statute — is the clearest example of the wider pattern. Formal inclusion has advanced considerably faster than the machinery required to deliver it, and the Article 265 review from 2025 onwards puts even the commission's continued existence in question.
Women's organisations
This is the thinnest part of the landscape, and it deserves stating plainly rather than passing over.
Women's classes exist within Millat-e-Islamia. Two of Al-Hira's fifteen institutions are exclusively for girls. But independent Muslim women's organisations, with their own leadership and their own agenda, are few.
The clearest exception is the Fatima Foundation, which has campaigned on the rights of Muslim women in Nepal, particularly around the misuse of unilateral divorce. Its work has been documented in reporting on Muslim women pursuing cases through the district courts — including successful property claims — and on the growing willingness of women to contest such practices publicly.
Why it matters
Muslim women in Nepal face compounded disadvantage: below the national female literacy rate, which is itself below the male rate. Organisations run by men on their behalf address this differently from organisations run by them.
The legal angle
The Fatima Foundation's approach — using the courts rather than only persuasion — is the one capability the wider landscape most conspicuously lacks.
International scrutiny
Submissions to the UN CEDAW committee have raised Muslim women's rights in Nepal specifically, noting that the Muslim Commission's mandate could cover discriminatory customary practices.
Mosques and madrasas
Beneath the named organisations sits a much larger and looser layer: individual mosques and madrasas, most locally founded and locally funded.
| Coordination | Nepal Masajid Council builds, renovates and manages mosques nationally, but many operate independently under local committees |
| Funding | Overwhelmingly community donation. Free education is the norm, which is why madrasas reach children the state does not |
| Regulation | A Madrasa Islamic Association Board was set up in 2007 but had little practical effect and was short-lived |
| Curriculum | A national madrasa curriculum to grade 10 has since been developed under the Ministry of Education to bring consistency |
| Variation | Standards, records and teaching quality vary enormously between institutions |
| Pandemic impact | Reporting from 2021 documented madrasas losing the large majority of their students during closures |
Any account of Muslim organisation in Nepal that covers only the registered national bodies misses where most religious and educational life actually happens. The mosque committee in a Terai village is not on any national register, and it matters more to the people around it than any Kathmandu organisation does.
Transnational movements
Two organised movements operate in Nepal as branches of much larger international networks, and they work differently from the domestic bodies above.
Tablighi Jamaat
A worldwide revivalist movement focused on personal religious practice — prayer, fasting, zakat — propagated through travelling groups. Deliberately apolitical and non-institutional.
Jamiat Ahle Hadith
Represents the Ahl-i Hadith school, emphasising direct reliance on Qur'an and hadith. Present across South Asia with its own mosques and madrasas.
How they differ
Neither is primarily a development or advocacy body. They shape religious practice rather than negotiating with the state, and their structures are transnational rather than Nepali.
This distinction matters for anyone trying to understand the landscape. A researcher looking for the bodies that engage with government, run schools or represent the community in public policy will not find them here. A researcher asking how ordinary religious practice is transmitted will find these movements far more significant than any registered NGO.
Worth adding that the presence of transnational movements is unremarkable in itself. Nepal hosts branches of international Christian, Buddhist and Hindu organisations on the same basis. Singling out the Muslim ones as inherently suspect would be an analytical error, not a finding.
Political representation
Organisational strength and political representation are related but distinct, and the second has moved faster than the first.
| Constitutional status | Recognised as a distinct cluster in the 2015 constitution |
| Proportional representation quota | 4.4% of the 110 PR seats in the House of Representatives |
| Population share | 5.09% at the 2021 census — the quota was set against the older 4.4% figure |
| Reservation in public service | Still administered within the Madhesi category rather than separately |
| Party affiliation | Muslim representatives sit across mainstream parties rather than in a dedicated Muslim party |
| 2009 agreement | Government agreement with the United Muslim National Struggle Committee on rights of minority communities including Muslims |
The quota mismatch
The PR reservation was fixed at 4.4%, reflecting the 2011 census. The 2021 census records 5.09%. The gap is small in percentage terms and meaningful in seats, and updating it is among the clearest, most concrete asks available to any organisation working on representation.
Notably, Nepali Muslims have not formed a significant confessional political party. Representation runs through the mainstream parties, and the National Muslim Forum's stated position — encouraging participation in existing parties while remaining unaffiliated itself — reflects a deliberate choice about how a five per cent minority is best served.
Funding and the foreign money question
Any honest guide has to address this, because it is raised constantly and usually badly.
The main source
Domestic community donation, including zakat. It funds activity reliably and institutional overhead poorly, which is a core reason organisations struggle to persist.
International Islamic bodies
Some organisations hold memberships in international NGO networks and receive project support, particularly around Ramadan and Qurbani distribution.
The regulatory frame
Foreign funding of Nepali NGOs runs through the Social Welfare Council, which approves projects and requires reporting. This applies to all NGOs, not only Muslim ones.
The scrutiny
Muslim organisations receiving foreign funds attract disproportionate suspicion. Christian organisations in Nepal receive far more foreign funding and face less of it.
The fair position is this: transparency about funding is a reasonable expectation of any organisation, and registration with the Social Welfare Council provides a mechanism for it. Insinuation in the absence of evidence is not analysis, and it has a documented history of being deployed against Muslim organisations across South Asia regardless of what they actually do.
How the landscape fits together
Setting the bodies side by side clarifies what is actually a fairly rational division.
| Function | Organisation | Type |
|---|---|---|
| Statutory representation | Muslim Commission (Muslim Aayog) | Constitutional body |
| Religious outreach and teaching | Islami Sangh Nepal | Voluntary, national |
| Religious education and library | Millat-e-Islamia Nepal | Voluntary, Kathmandu |
| Schools and madrasas | Al-Hira Educational Society | Voluntary, national |
| Higher education support | Students' Education Foundation | Voluntary, national |
| Mosque construction and management | Nepal Masajid Council | Voluntary, national |
| Health services | Health Services Relief Association | Voluntary, eastern Nepal |
| Advocacy and representation | National Muslim Forum Nepal | Voluntary umbrella |
| Women's rights | Fatima Foundation | Voluntary, campaigning |
| Religious practice and revival | Tablighi Jamaat, Jamiat Ahle Hadith | Transnational branches |
The pattern worth noticing
One organisation founded in 1985 is directly or indirectly responsible for five of the ten rows in that table. Islami Sangh built the education body, the higher education body, the mosque council and the health association — and convened the meeting that created the advocacy umbrella. The voluntary side of Nepali Muslim institutional life is substantially one organisation's offspring.
Beyond these, a number of smaller organisations operate with genuine local significance but limited national reach. In a country where most Muslims live in scattered Terai districts, local should not be read as unimportant.
What is still missing
An honest map should include the gaps, and several are visible.
Legal aid
Nothing comparable to a civil rights or legal defence organisation, despite the 2004 riots producing almost no prosecutions. The Fatima Foundation's court work is the nearest thing and is narrowly focused.
Research capacity
No dedicated body producing data on the community. Statistics come from the census, foreign academics, or the organisations' own reporting.
Women's leadership
Beyond the Fatima Foundation, few independent organisations led by Muslim women. Provision for women exists; leadership by them is thinner.
Terai headquarters
Most national bodies are based in Kathmandu while most Nepali Muslims live in the Terai. The imbalance is structural and widely noted.
Media
No significant Muslim-run news outlet in Nepali. Community publications exist but are internal, and the community's public voice depends on others' coverage.
Professional networks
No visible association of Muslim doctors, lawyers or teachers — the sort of body that turns individual success into community capacity.
The legal gap is the most striking. A community that experienced a mosque burning and over a hundred attacks on homes and businesses in 2004, with almost nobody prosecuted, has no organisation whose job is to pursue that. The National Muslim Forum was created partly in response, and the Muslim Commission exists on paper — but advocacy, recommendation and litigation are three different capabilities, and only the first two are covered.
The short version: Nepali Muslim organisational life is often described, including from within, as a story of bodies forming and dissolving. That is fair as far as it goes, but it obscures what did take root. One organisation founded in 1985 built a district branch network, then deliberately spun off separate registered bodies for schooling, higher education, mosques and health rather than trying to absorb all four itself — and in 2004 convened the meeting that produced a national advocacy umbrella. Since 2015 there has also been a constitutional Muslim Commission, which has real statutory standing and has been left underfunded, understaffed and largely ignored by the parliament it reports to. Add a Kathmandu body running the country's largest Muslim library and a subsidised clinic, a women's organisation taking divorce cases to court, and two transnational movements shaping everyday practice, and the picture is of a small, under-resourced community that has built more durable institutional capacity than it tends to give itself credit for. The gaps that remain — legal, research, media, women's leadership, Terai-based headquarters — are the next generation's work.
Common questions
What are the main Muslim organisations in Nepal?
The principal bodies are Islami Sangh Nepal, a da'wah-based organisation founded in 1985 with district branches nationwide; Millat-e-Islamia Nepal, a Kathmandu-based religious education body; National Muslim Forum Nepal, an advocacy umbrella formed after the 2004 riots; and the four specialist organisations under Islami Sangh — Al-Hira Educational Society, Students' Education Foundation, Nepal Masajid Council and Health Services Relief Association. There is also a constitutional Muslim Commission established by the state in 2015. Tablighi Jamaat and Jamiat Ahle Hadith operate as branches of transnational movements.
What is the Muslim Commission of Nepal?
A constitutional body established under Article 264 of the 2015 constitution and governed by the Muslim Commission Act 2074 (2017). It consists of a chairperson and up to four members, appointed by the President on the Constitutional Council's recommendation for six-year terms, and reports annually to the President. Its mandate is to protect and promote the rights and interests of the Muslim community. It has been widely criticised as underfunded and under-empowered, and Article 265 requires parliament to review it from 2025.
Why has the Muslim Commission been ineffective?
Several documented reasons: the post was left vacant for years after 2015, with the first chairperson appointed only in 2018–19 and members later still; it sits in the third category of constitutional commissions, below even the Women and Dalit commissions; it lacks power to receive complaints, investigate discrimination or recommend prosecution; its annual reports have not been debated by the relevant parliamentary committee; and its leadership has described the budget as sufficient only for salaries and stationery.
What is Islami Sangh Nepal?
A da'wah-based organisation founded in 1985 and headquartered at the Millat-e-Islamia Building in Ghantaghar, Kathmandu. It is generally regarded as the best organised Muslim body in Nepal, with branches in most districts with significant Muslim populations, and it addresses socio-economic and educational problems alongside religious outreach. It has created four specialist sister organisations and is registered with the Government of Nepal.
What organisations operate under Islami Sangh Nepal?
Four, each separately registered: Al-Hira Educational Society, which runs schools and madrasas; Students' Education Foundation, which works in higher education; Nepal Masajid Council, which builds, renovates and manages mosques; and Health Services Relief Association of Nepal, which works in health provision and has been reported as developing a 15-bed general hospital and maternity clinic in eastern Nepal.
What is Millat-e-Islamia Nepal?
A Kathmandu-based organisation working to propagate Islamic teaching and build awareness of Islamic values. It runs classes for young people, children and women, operates what is reported to be the largest Muslim library in Nepal, and manages a clinic providing care to poor patients at minimal charge. Academic work identifies it among the institutions that began articulating a distinct Muslim religious identity from the 1980s.
Are there Muslim women's organisations in Nepal?
Few independent ones. Women's classes exist within larger bodies and two of Al-Hira's institutions are exclusively for girls, but organisations led by Muslim women with their own agenda are scarce. The clearest exception is the Fatima Foundation, which has campaigned on Muslim women's rights, particularly around the misuse of unilateral divorce, and has supported women pursuing cases through the district courts.
Why do Nepali Muslim organisations struggle to survive?
Several structural pressures: the population is dispersed across Terai districts along a long southern border; the community is internally diverse in language, custom and school of thought; funding comes largely from community donation, which supports activity better than institutional overhead; reported literacy near 45% limits the pool able to handle registration and reporting; and bodies built on a few individuals' energy rarely outlast them. Those that endured share formal registration, defined narrow remits, and in Islami Sangh's case a federated structure.
What is the National Muslim Forum Nepal?
An umbrella body known in Nepali as Rastriya Muslim Manch Nepal, formed after the September 2004 anti-Muslim riots. Islami Sangh Nepal convened 55 Muslim figures from all regions and schools of thought at the Ashoka Hotel in Bagbazar, Kathmandu on 26 September 2004, and it was formally registered on 7 June 2005. Its remit covers socio-religious and political issues affecting the community.
Do Muslims have reserved seats in Nepal's parliament?
Yes. Muslims are recognised as a distinct cluster in the 2015 constitution and hold a 4.4% reservation within the 110 proportional-representation seats of the House of Representatives. The quota reflects the 2011 census; the 2021 census records the Muslim share at 5.09%. For civil service, army and police reservations, Muslims are still administered within the Madhesi category rather than separately, which the Muslim Commission has repeatedly asked parliament to change.
Are Tablighi Jamaat and Jamiat Ahle Hadith active in Nepal?
Yes, both operate in organised form as branches of larger transnational networks. Tablighi Jamaat is a revivalist movement focused on personal religious practice, propagated through travelling groups and deliberately apolitical. Jamiat Ahle Hadith represents the Ahl-i Hadith school, emphasising direct reliance on Qur'an and hadith. Neither is primarily a development or advocacy organisation, and Nepal hosts branches of international Christian, Buddhist and Hindu organisations on the same basis.
How are Nepali Muslim organisations funded?
Overwhelmingly by domestic community donation, including zakat. Some organisations hold memberships in international Islamic NGO networks and receive project support, particularly around Ramadan and Qurbani distribution. Foreign funding of any Nepali NGO runs through the Social Welfare Council, which approves projects and requires reporting. The donation model funds activity well and institutional overhead poorly, which is a core reason so many organisations have not persisted.
Are these organisations registered with the government?
Yes. Islami Sangh Nepal and all its sister organisations are registered with the Government of Nepal, and Al-Hira Educational Society is affiliated to the Social Welfare Council. National Muslim Forum Nepal was deliberately established on a formal legal footing rather than as an informal alliance, with a nine-member committee drafting its constitution before registration in June 2005. The Muslim Commission is not an NGO but a constitutional body of the state.
How many Muslims live in Nepal?
The 2021 census recorded 1,483,066 people following Islam, or 5.09% of the population — the third-largest religious community after Hindus and Buddhists, up from 4.4% in 2011. Most live in Terai districts along the southern border, with long-established communities in Kathmandu and the hills.
its quite informative in a cursory view. this blog has to be publicized .
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